This post was about to be published here on Didaar blog in October when the schools were going to open in Iran but due to many writing tasks that I was responsible to do, apart from this blog, I could not finish it. So, the photos from mainstream media which are uploaded here might look outdated yet I think that the argument is not.
On this blog from its very beginning in June 2009 we were engaged with the question of media. In the aftermath of the 2009 coup in Iran, neo-colonial and neo-liberal Farsi-speaking media aimed to represent themselves as the voice of opposition while they neutralized the radical political front which has formed since. On this blog we wrote a lot about these media since it became clear that today if we are talking about Iran’s politics we are inevitably entangled with the question of media and the very crucial question that arises is: what is an alternative media?
This question was the driving force behind many media analysis of the programs of BBC Persian on this blog. for example, We attempted to demonstrate why their claim of being alternative was fake. We attempted to demonstrate why they were as ideological as IRIB (the Iranian state TV channels). So we discussed their themes, forms, representational strategies, political economy, undemocratic internal structure, public reception and so on.
However, if you have noticed it has been a while that we did not write about neoliberal media. Why? since the political condition after the 2013 presidential election has completely changed and it has deeply affected the neo-colonial and neo-liberal media, the scene of alternative politics and Leftists activists such as us.
For instance, BBC Persian TV, website and radio cannot be considered as a media which opposes the state of Islamic Republic any more. In 2010 we claimed that IRIB and neoliberal media (VOA, BBC Persian, Duetche Welle, Zamaneh Radio, etc) attempted to reduce the political scene into an arbitrary and ideological binary between the bad and the good. At the time we considered progressive politics as what could deconstruct that binary.
With the 2013 presidential election, this binary has disappeared from their political policy. Today, BBC Persian is the external and international wing of IRIB as it works to justify, negotiate and reach solutions in favour of the state of Islamic republic. The broader aim of this policy is to address the shift towards extreme modern Right which the government of Dr Ruhani promised.
This change of direction could be detected even before the election when BBC Persian did everything to ensure the Iranians outside Iran that the election is valid and reliable. It even went on to produce an overnight program to broadcast the counting of votes live. The effect of such program was to ensure that the election was not fraudulent and the state of Islamic Republic should be trusted. BBC Persian effectively legitimized the election. This partly explains why we think that 2013 presidential election was a pure media show constructed for the gaze of cameras.
In this way neo-liberal media lost their legitimacy as the voice of opposition. Last summer when I was in Tehran, I understood that a significant shit has happened as people did not quote and refer to neo-liberal media as alternative source of news. It has completely lost its legitimacy. And if you visit the website and see the TV channel you can observe that its central aim is to facilitate the negotiation of Dr Rouhani government with international bourgeoisie and Imperialism. Thus, we can conclude that a new political policy defines their horizon: preparing the route along with the extreme right government to integrate into global capitalism.
In Tehran, this aim is well understood by radicals. There is a strong belief that the central project of Dr Rouhani’ government is to prepare Iran for the membership in WTO. Accordingly, both domestic and foreign Farsi-speaking media collaborate in this direction.
I wanted to write about this issue for a long time, that the BBC Persian so-called experts and political analysts are now reduced to the state of IR apologists, that the media inside and outside Iran overwhelmingly attempts to convince people that Dr Rouhani is the only possible option, to demonize radicalism and passify voices of dissent. Yet, I realized that people were so conscious of this fact. Through my contacts with the working classes in the projects that I conduct, I spoke to many people and I found out that class consciousness is gaining its momentum. One could felt the growing confidence in the power of people by people. Therefore, I only intended to briefly mention this shift to complete this unfinished writing and also inform the Leftists comrades who trust this blog about current political affairs in Iran. I was also motivated by the fact that the TV channel celebrated its 5 years of work and I think that it is possible to argue that BBC Persian best exemplifies what could be called ‘crisis driven media’. Since in a short course of time its political horizon has completely shifted from supposedly opposition to collaboration. This type of media change, update and adapt quite frequently and have no commitment to any political framework. They will shift their direction according to the economic crisis.
From now on, this blog does not discuss the politics of media in terms of the previous binary between IRIB versus foreign funded neo-colonial and neoliberal media. From this point, we discuss them as being on the one and same frontier explicitly supporting global capitalism versus radical alternative. Accordingly, in this post I start this direction of analysis through discussing the ideological representation of mainstream media inside Iran which is co-opted by their foreign-funded collaborators (they reproduce the photos constantly).
In September, when I was watching the state TV, IRIB, I suddenly remembered my childhood in the 1980s, when there was no diplomatic relation with the US and Iran was in a war with Iraq which was fully supported by the US . That day, the TV announced that school going students could then buy their school books from bookshops and the eye of the camera rolled on the new, intact and clean packages of books. And I thought to myself ‘how much do they cost?’ I don’t know how many of the readers remember but I can vividly recall that in the peak of war with Iraq, when Tehran was bombarded day and night and people fled from the city, when for basic foods people would spend hours in the queues, the school books were free and were distributed by the school to students. Yes, my memory is so fresh and bright. No TV channel or newspaper can deny it to me. I can see our teacher who says that we should look after our books and keep them clean because at the end of the school year we should return them to school and the ministry of education was going to re-use them for other students.
It is so painful when I compare such an attitude with the current system of distributing educational facilities in which everything should be purchased. In the recent years, when I was a high school teacher, on many occasions I witnessed that students eagerly wait for the end of the term so that on the day of exam, they would come out of the exam session and tear up their books collectively expressing their joy with deafening screams. During the 1980s our books were dear to us and had an entirely different fate …
I watched TV as it announced happily the start of the new school year and showed students preparing which basically meant shopping. Temporary markets and stalls sprang up everywhere and all kinds of stationeries, notebooks, pencils, rubbers and so on were on sale. The state media was prevailed by the picture of abundance, the surplus of school goodies and the busy families enjoying the luxury of having choices.
What the state media fails to show us is the 7m children who remain outside of the circle of education and do not have access to educational facilities. The informal stats of 7m children do not tell us where they are and what they do while they are absent from school. Those children surely don’t play games with children of neighbours, watch TV or do not travel with their families. We know where they are and what they do because we see some of them in underground metro stations, in buses, in urban centres and in parks working as pedlars selling commodities. The majority of them cannot be detected easily as they are kept indoors and they work in workshops with their families or with other adults. These children belong to a social class whereby the families are completely unable to reproduce themselves unless their children work too. The widespread unemployment, the problem of addiction to substances, prostitution, etc are familiar conditions for these children. They have to grow up very fast. They are illiterate but they have to learn numbers and counting from a very early age. They perfectly know what deposit meant, what debt mean, what borrowing mean. Working for more than 10 hours in dangerous and insecure places which makes them a target for sexual harassment is not enough to pay for their school. The withdrawal of state services from the realm of education and health has increased the cost of these formerly free facilities and the 40% inflation has made it inaccessible for the working class. The constant increase of the number of working children in the last decade has made it clear that the crisis of the accumulation of capital has weakened the ability of the working class to reproduce itself. Also, the demand for evermore cheap labour and the deterioration of the working condition has brought children to the labour market forcing them to sell their labour to kapital.
In Das Kapital Marx assigned nearly 80 pages to discuss why women and children were dragged into the labour market and how the kapital benefited from resonating to week and young power of children and women. However, as Silvia Federici points out(1), the tradition of Marxist thought especially in the last 50 years has forgotten to pay attention to child labour and the fate of working children. This symptomatic forgetting needs to be addressed in our discussions, writings, conferences and collective actions.
Here, you can see photos that is taken from a place run by activists who offer educational facilities and other services to the working children. These people have gathered to form a place against the logic of charity and NGOs since this logic implicitly confirms the social and economic structures whereby the working children are placed at the bottom. In fact, today, there are plenty of charities supported by the state and bourgeoisie which solely focus on handing out money, food, etc. What they neglect is the idea of how to empower a child who is mentally, emotionally, sexually, socially and economically smashed under the burden of the kapitalist relations. The child often lacks confidence, sees his/her miserable life as natural and cuddles himself/herself in the arms of impossible dreams of wealth. Hence, the activists here do not reproduce the normative structures of satisfaction and happiness guaranteed by the exchange of money.
As a result they have created a space which does not reproduce the common hierarchies of class. In this place both children and teachers and other activists come by choice, the strict authority of classrooms are relaxed. Moreover, it is perhaps the only place that educational spaces are mixed in terms of gender and girls and boys freely mix which often causes many fights and arguments but they become able to resolve it without resorting to authority figures. The children are not obliged to wear uniforms no one stop them from coming or going as long as they do not disturb the class. For me as someone who worked in formal schools as a teacher, the place seemed like a model for creating alternative educational spaces. It is a place to break through the hierarchy of information where democratic redistribute knowledge is possible. Many of the children in this place belong to immigrant Afghan families who are barred from Iranian schools. This prohibition effectively stops the Afghan second generation to enhance their socio-economic condition and keeps them as simple and cheap labourers.
This place is surely not an ideal in terms of educational facilities but can be observed as a model for future schools for its progressive social relation. It somehow reminded me of Plato’s ideal city where parents do not own the children. The children are the responsibility of that community despite their ethnic origin, gender and class.
The place sets a model for us as an example of how schools would be like in a society whereby private ownership does not rule over the people. At the end of this note I would like to add that the ideological representation of wealth and prosperity rules the domestic and international media at this time, it seems that bourgeoisie inside and outside Iran consolidate its power to tighten the grip on people yet alternative communities and radical commons are on the rise too. It is the task of media workers like us to develop new representational tools which suits this unbalanced fight.
(1) Federici, S. (2012) Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction and Feminist Struggle. PM Press: Oakland